By ABDULLAHI D MOHAMMED

A genocide, according to the Vocapture Online English dictionary, is “the systematic killing of substantial numbers of people on the basis of their ethnicity, religion, or nationality.” This definition, however, is broad-based and not contextual.

A leading and globally recognized expert and authority on genocide, Raphael Lemkin, defined genocide in his 1944 work “Axis Rule in Occupied Europe” as “the destruction of a nation or of an ethnic group.” In a more definitive context, he added that other components of genocide could be based on religion, economic, social, and even physical factors.

Most often, perpetrators of genocide are the state, and non-state actors backed by the state. This is done with a clear motive: wiping the subject off the face of the earth or crippling them into silence or extinction.

In recent weeks, calls for sanctions on Nigeria have reached a deafening level, with first, US Senator Ted Cruz leading the pack. Senator Cruz has publicly accused the Nigerian government of enabling a “massacre” of Christians in Nigeria, claiming over 50,000 Christians have been killed since 2009 and thousands of churches and Christian schools destroyed. He has introduced legislation for sanctions on Nigerian officials allegedly facilitating this spate and cycle of violence.

In what seems like a well-planned and systemic pattern, an evangelical Congressman and Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Chris Smith, has held congressional hearings on religious freedom violations in Nigeria. He called Nigeria a “killing field of defenseless Christians” and reintroduced legislation urging the U.S. government to designate Nigeria as a “Country of Particular Concern” due to persecution of Christians.

This isn’t a one-off or genuine isolated misrepresentation of fact but looks more like a rising wave of Islamophobia inspired by a band of US evangelicals and President Donald Trump. When Congressman Riley M. Moore asked the U.S. Secretary of State to take immediate action against what he described as “systematic persecution and slaughter of Christians” in Nigeria and called for suspension of U.S. arms sales and technical support until Nigeria protects religious minorities, the motive for such a stance became clearer.

The height of this insidious demand came into the fore when a group of five Republican senators, led by Senator Ted Budd, sent a joint letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio backing Cruz’s proposal, alleging over 52,000 Christians had been killed and over 20,000 Christian institutions destroyed in Nigeria since 2009.

Looking up what constitutes genocide as postulated by Lemkin, and more recently, the International Association of Genocide Scholars, the current spate of insecurity across northern Nigeria cannot be classified or termed genocide.

First, the epicenter and theatre of the horrendous conflict, which reignited this global conversation, is undoubtedly Northwest Nigeria. For instance, five out of the seven states in the subregion—Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto, Kebbi, and Kaduna—recorded more fatalities or deaths from bandit-related violence. This is a region with the highest number of Muslims. With the exception of Kaduna, which has about 55% Muslim population, all other states have 90% Muslim population. Invariably, victims of banditry would be Muslims.

Data and statistics from reputable security and crisis management groups put the total number of casualties in the region at an alarmingly high rate. The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research, Amnesty International, Crisis Group, Global Observatory, and Nigeria’s National Human Rights Commission have all corroborated such assertions. Between 2014 and 2024, about 36,000 deaths were recorded, most of which were banditry related. Ninety percent of victims were Muslims. In the same period, however, over 200,000 were displaced across the region. Data from the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) and International Organization for Migration (IOM) support this.

For Northeast Nigeria, the emergence of Boko Haram in 2009, with its operational base and sphere of influence restricted to Borno, Yobe, and the Sahelian corridors including Lake Chad zones, was a turning point in insurgency and internal security. It marked a new and unconventional warfare which the country’s armed forces could not grasp easily. Again, victims and casualties of the Boko Haram insurgency remain largely Muslims.

Data sourced from the European Union Agency for Asylum (EUAA), local NGOs, and other field operations across the Northeast, especially Borno and Yobe states, show the vast majority of victims were Muslims. Several Muslim farming villages and communities were wiped out. This led to the largest single displacement and forced migration in Nigeria’s history. According to data by both UNHCR and Amnesty International, an estimated 2 million have been forced to seek shelter in numerous IDP camps across northern Nigeria. Again, most of the victims were Muslims.

North Central, the most contentious of the regions, has a larger number of Christians. It has been a hotbed of religious and social strife or conflict, mostly as a fallout in the struggle or race for means of survival—land, territory, and economic opportunities. The social framework and setup of the region, the Fulani herders on the one hand, and the indigenous farming communities in Plateau, Benue, Nasarawa, and some parts of Niger state, have been the centerpieces of violence in the region. Even so, the figure showing the number of Christian victims, according to several organizations, is nothing compared to the Muslims in the Northwest and Northeast. For instance, Christian Solidarity International (CSI), Genocide Watch, International Christian Concern all put the total number of Christian victims from 2014 to 2024 at 3,000 to 4,000. These, I believe, form the basis for the calls by these congressmen for the declaration of Nigeria as a country of concern over persecution of Christians and the final declaration by President Trump, placing Nigeria on the US watchlist.

The best the US should have done is leverage their advancement and sophistication in security and intelligence gathering to identify, sanction, prosecute, or eliminate those responsible—be it active participants or their collaborators.

It would have been easier, were it not for the hypocrisy of the US and other Western powers, to block access to arms and crush sales to Jihadi groups operating in the Sahel and other parts of Nigeria. The US and other Western countries, particularly France, should question their level of involvement, especially their citizens who are part of the global network of arms and conflict profiteers, fueling insecurity across northern Nigeria and Africa. It would be wise if the US beams its searchlight on solid mineral explorers aggravating insecurity.

Until such is done, we will remain in the same spot. Even local collaborators who pushed for and jubilate over the position of the US on Nigeria remain victims. All global definitions and contextualizations of GENOCIDE, especially regarding Nigerian Christians, are insufficient to assume genocide. If anything, sadly, Muslims are the highest victims of genocide. But in fairness, we all are victims.

•Abdullahi D Mohammed is the Executive Director, Initiative for Concerned Citizens Againts Drug Abuse and Community Awareness. He writes from Kano.