By ABDULLAHI D MOHAMMED

Humans often resist prolonged familial or consistent dominance. Therefore, driven by curiosity and a burning desire for change, a breath of fresh air, they ultimately seek a novel or new path. This impulse, hitherto became a cornerstone of democracy and its key features—like freedom, periodic elections, and party politics.

This had paved the way for the emergence of the concept of multiparity liberal democracy.

Democracy, thrive when there’s an active opposition. Because, in a democracy, opposition parties serve as the backbone of accountability, challenging the ruling government’s policies and decisions. They scrutinize legislation, expose corruption, and represent diverse viewpoints, ensuring no single ideology dominates. By debating in parliaments and offering alternative visions, opposition fosters informed public discourse and prevents authoritarian drift. This checks-and-balances mechanism, promotes responsive governance tailored to citizens’ needs.

More recently, opposition parties drive innovation and progress by proposing reforms and mobilizing underrepresented groups. They prepare for future leadership transitions, maintaining democratic stability. Without a strong opposition, power concentrates, eroding freedom.

In his 2008 work, The Spirit of Democracy: The Struggle to Build Free Societies Throughout the World, Stanford University scholar Larry Diamond opines that “a strong and credible opposition is essential to democracy, because it provides the voters with a genuine alternative, checks the abuse of power by incumbents, and restrains their natural tendency toward authoritarianism.”

Since the return to civil rule, in 1999, fewer opposition parties had made significant impact in Nigeria’s democratic experience. For instance, Chief Olu Falae’e Alliance for Democracy, AD, could not effectively stave off, Obasanjo’s PDP, which would remain dominant for almost 15 years, until the emergence of the APC onto the political stage.

The APC as oppositeion, had tact, vision and missions— which was to ultimately grab power — more like a state capture. APC as a ruling party, understood the dynamics of Nigeria’ political landscape and is putting it to good use, effectively.

The APC, contrary to what many would say, hadn’t killed any opposition. The opposition killed itself. The opposition has failed to put its house in order. Selfishness. High-handedness. Greed. These vices eroded the PDP’s foundation from within, turning potential unity into bitter infighting that left it vulnerable. Instead of rallying around shared goals to challenge the ruling party effectively, PDP leaders prioritized personal ambitions, allowing egos to fracture alliances and squander public trust. This self-inflicted damage became evident in endless factional squabbles, where loyalty to self overshadowed the collective fight for relevance.

The oppositeion PDP, with a handful of state governors, senators, and members of the House of Representatives, hadn’t—or failed to—come to terms with the reality that it had lost power and was now the opposition, until it was a little too late. The PDP could not adjust to the life of an opposition until the likes of FCT Minister Nyesom Wike had begun internal damage. Wike’s bold maneuvers exposed deep-seated divisions, as he openly clashed with party elders, pulling supporters away and weakening the PDP’s national cohesion. Governors in PDP strongholds watched helplessly as defections mounted, with prominent figures crossing over to the APC, lured by promises of patronage and stability. This failure to adapt meant the PDP lingered in denial, missing crucial opportunities to reorganize, rebuild grassroots support, and craft a compelling narrative against the government.

The APC, as a ruling party, wouldn’t have made inroads into the visible cracks in the PDP structure if it (the PDP) had put its house in o’der. A divided entity has n’ victory against any adversary. When the APC is scavenging, preying, and pouncing on their (PDP) governors, what strategic move did it initiate to halt that? Zero. The APC cannot help the PDP do its housekeeping. The ruling party’s operatives exploited every rift, poaching defectors and consolidating power in key states, while the PDP offered no counteroffensive—no unified legal challenges, no mass mobilizations, no internal reforms. This paralysis allowed the APC to dominate legislatures and governorships unchallenged, proving that opposition strength lies not in complaints, but in disciplined unity.

The Labour Party, once an obscure and politically fractured platform, catapulted to national prominence ahead of Nigeria’s 2023 general elections. This meteoric rise owed everything to the infusion of the Obidients Movement—a dynamic, youth-fueled tidal wave centered on Peter Obi’s inspiring narrative of competence and integrity. What began as a sidelined vehicle suddenly positioned itself as a genuine alternative to the entrenched All Progressives Congress (APC), captivating voters disillusioned by decades of elite capture.

But few months after the contentious polls, the party imploded in a maelstrom of acrimony. The true architects of this downfall? Not primarily APC machinations, though they certainly exploited cracks with legal sabotage and shadowy funding cuts. No, the Labour Party’s woes were self-inflicted: rampant leadership greed, factional wars over spoils, and a glaring betrayal of its core identity. It ignominiously sidelined the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC)—its powerful lifeline to millions of Nigerian workers—opting for political opportunism over principled solidarity.

Salvation lay in proactive safeguards the party foolishly ignored. Forging ironclad unity charters among leaders, embedding NLC veto power on key decisions, and channeling Obidients energy into decentralized structures could have weathered APC storms. With such labour-rooted resilience, Labour wouldn’t just survive—it would thrive as Nigeria’s enduring opposition beacon.

As it stands, the only hope Nigeria has to prevent sliding into a one-party state ostensibly rests with the African Democratic Congress (ADC). This party, an alliance of ex-presidential candidates from various parties in the last election, currently finds itself neither here nor there. Its erratic and unpredictable nature has left many wondering if it truly offers Nigerians the viable option needed to unseat the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) come 2027.

Can the ADC live up to its billing as the opposition the country desperately needs, or is it just another association of aggrieved politicians mainly bothered about a power grab?

The Internal wrangling within the party has so far seemed tamed for the moment. But picking a presidential candidate from the lot remains its greatest existential threat—one that could either mar or make it stronger in challenging the APC.

Nonetheless, the ADC lacks the intensity, firepower, and ruthlessness of a fierce opposition party. It needs an aggressive spokesperson who wouldn’t mind his cozy suit being soiled in the gutter and murky waters of Nigeria’s political arena. The APC-led federal government has gotten away with quite a number of unpopular policies—tax reforms, subsidy removal, the electoral act amendments, and several others—without seemingly any objections championed by the absent opposition.

Nigerians are desperate for a viable opposition, weary of APC’s unchallenged dominance that has bred economic hardship, policy flip-flops, and creeping authoritarianism. Nigerians are craving for a fierce voice to rally change and demand accountability—much like the Buhari, 2015, and Obidients 2023, political tsunami.

The ADC, as an alliance of ex-candidates, holds untapped promise but must seize this hunger now. To navigate current chaos and triumph in 2027, it needs ironclad unity: craft a consensus presidential candidate early via transparent primaries, sidelining egos that doomed PDP and Labour Party. Forge decentralized structures embedding youth, women, and NLC-like labor ties for grassroots firepower.

Bolaji Abdullahi, the current ADC spokesperson, though putting out his best, but he seems too elitist, not aligning with the masses. They need

Ruthless spokesperson(s)— gutter-fighting firebrand—to shred APC policies daily on media, mobilizing street awareness roadshow against unpopular reforms. Invest in data-driven campaigns targeting major states, rebuilding trust through anti-corruption audits and bold economic blueprints like youth job pacts.

Critically, ADC must avoid self-annihilation pitfalls: no factional greed or Wike-style defections that fractured PDP; and reject Labour’s betrayal of roots by prioritizing principles over patronage. Shun denial—adapt as true opposition with legal barrages on electoral flaws and mass voter registration drives.

Unlike predecessors’ paralysis, they should launch counteroffensives now: unified boycotts of APC events, digital war rooms exposing scandals, and alliances with civil society.

Nigeria is a country whose citizens almost always need a rallying figure or institution to protest unpopular policies. This is where a robust opposition steps in, channeling public discontent into organized resistance. Without that fire, the ADC risks fading into irrelevance, leaving the nation vulnerable to unchecked power. For 2027 to bring real change, the party must ignite its latent potential now—before it’s too late.

•Abdullahi D Mohammed, is a Policy Analyst and Director at Initiative for Concerned Citizens Againts Drug Abuse and Community Awareness