The All Progressives Congress (APC) formally presented its presidential campaign council on August 22, but even before formally naming the council, intense political maneuverings and strategies to woo the electorate had been intense.

Although the list of members of the council was later suspended due to complaints, the tempo of the campaign has been rising before the promised adjustments on the list could be released, as the Director-General of the Campaign Council, Abdulaziz Yari has been going round the country with the message of reelecting President Bola Ahmed Tinubu..

With barely three months to the general elections, there are indications that the rough edges in the formation of the council and issues emanating therefrom have not been smoothened, both at the national and state levels.

Our correspondents report that at the national level, the AbdulAziz Yari-led Presidential Campaign Council of the ruling party has commenced activities while still awaiting official inauguration.

Our correspondent reports that criticism over the inclusion of certain individuals in the campaign council prompted the Presidency and the ruling party to delay the inauguration.

The inclusion of former government officials currently under investigation by anti-graft agencies, alongside serving officials occupying sensitive public offices, drew sharp criticism from civil society organisations and other stakeholders.

While the Presidency defended the composition of the council, it admitted that adjustments would be made to the list.

A party chieftain who spoke with our correspondent yesterday mentioned that the party was still awaiting the president’s return to Abuja for the final release of the campaign council list.

“I think the council would be inaugurated after the president approves the expanded list. This will be done very soon,” said the party source, who craved anonymity.

Weekend Trust reports that the situation in some of the states is even more precarious with intense rivalry among those who are supposed to be working for the same purpose, divisions occasioned political interests and personality clashes.

Katsina: Radda’s political camp versus Abuja-based network

The haze in the reported alleged tension between Governor Dikko Umaru Radda’s political camp and the Abuja-based network associated with Ibrahim Kabir Masari is yet to clear.

It was gathered that the disagreements may be about political influence and campaign structures.

The reported billboard controversy and the absence of some of Radda’s allies from the initial presidential campaign structure have fueled speculation about a widening division between the two camps with each operating separately.

Analysts said neither development established a gulf between Radda and President Bola Tinubu as Masari has publicly called for APC unity and mobilisation for both men who are contesting to return to office in 2027.

Radda has repeatedly pledged Katsina’s support for Tinubu and has moved to strengthen the governor’s control of the state party structure. In September, APC stakeholders in the state said the party had functioning mobilisation structures across all the 34 local government areas, wards and polling units, while Radda urged them to work for Tinubu and other APC candidates.

According to Ahmad Mohammad of Good Governance Initiative Network, problem for the APC would only arise if the disagreement produces parallel campaign structures in the state.

The Special Adviser on Community Development to Governor Radda, Abubakar Ahmad Tsanni, tendered his resignation with indications that he had pitched tent with the Masari camp.

According to a political analyst, Abdul Shehu, the central question is whether the Radda–Masari alleged disagreement remains an internal struggle for influence or develops into an organisational division within Katsina APC.

Borno: Storm over Sheriff’s inclusion in Tinubu’s campaign

A fierce political tussle has erupted within the ruling APC over the appointment of a former Borno State governor, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff as the North-East zonal campaign coordinator for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s 2027 re-election bid.

While the appointment has been celebrated by loyalists, it has simultaneously triggered a wave of resistance, counter-petitions and allegations of proxy wars orchestrated by rival political factions, both within and outside the region.

Insiders close to the political landscape allege that the primary resistance against Sheriff stems from top APC leaders in Abuja, who are uncomfortable with his political weight, domineering attitude and the potential to hijack party structures ahead of future power dynamics.

Sources within Sheriff’s camp also claim a dominant APC faction fears that if the former governor plays a major role in securing a victory for President Tinubu in 2027, his subsequent influence could overshadow established authorities within the region.

Surprisingly, a prominent rejection of Sheriff has emanated from outside the North-East. In a statement, the North-West zonal coordinator of the Northern Youth Frontier (NYF), Saminu Tukur, argued that selecting Sheriff carried reputational consequences.

While acknowledging that Sheriff had previously denied controversies associated with his political career and that questions of criminal responsibility remain matters for legal institutions, Tukur maintained that campaign appointments had broader political implications.

The NYF consequently called on the APC leadership to drop Sheriff from the campaign council.

Adding to the pressure, the Borno IDPs Welfare Association in Kano, in a September 4, 2026 letter addressed to the Presidential Campaign Council Director-General, Senator Abdulazeez Yari, petitioned the leadership to reconsider Sheriff’s participation in an upcoming campaign event.

Signed by its chairman, Amb Muhammad Gana Bukar, the group argued the Sheriff’s presence would evoke painful memories for displaced persons, potentially distracting from the campaign’s message of unity.

The pushback against Sheriff, however met a wall of aggressive regional defence.

The North-East Coalition for Truth, Justice and Responsible Leadership (NECTJRL) strongly condemned the petitions, labeling them “manufactured political charades” orchestrated by external forces.

During a press briefing in Maiduguri, NECTJRL chairman, Alhaji Abba Chima Habib, raised a geopolitical puzzle, questioning why the loudest opposition to a North-East appointment consistently originates from outside the region—pointing to previous petitions originating from Kebbi State in the North-West before shifting to Kano.

Furthermore, the NECTJRL challenged the legitimacy of the petitioners, noting that investigations show there are no official IDP camps in Kano State, especially given the aggressive resettlement efforts spearheaded by the Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum.

As the 2027 general elections approach, the controversy surrounding Senator Ali Modu Sheriff highlights underlying tensions within the APC regarding power distribution, regional autonomy and the integration of political heavyweights.

While critics attempt to clip his political wings and invoke past controversies, his loyalists maintain that the ruling party cannot afford the “politics of exclusion” if it hopes to secure a decisive victory in the North-East.

Gombe: Goje, Gov Yahaya feud unresolved

In Gombe State, Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya and Senator Muhammad Danjuma Goje, representing Gombe Central senatorial district, are the top leaders of the APC and are expected to spearhead President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s campaign in the state.

While Goje has a ‘well-oiled’ political structure in the state, he virtually had a hand in the progression of all the present political officeholders in the state, starting from the governor. On his part, Governor Yahaya has the power of incumbency, as well as various projects he executed across the state, which he hopes would help in bringing goodwill to the APC.

However, political observers said the rift was orchestrated between Goje and his erstwhile political godson by some politicians loyal to Governor Yahaya, who pitted him against his former boss, adding that it would affect the APC’s chances during the 2027 elections.

The governor started scheming to ‘get rid’ of Goje and take full control of the party. For instance, during the 2022 primary election, it took the intervention of the national leadership of the party under a former national chairman, Senator Abdullahi Adamu, for Goje to get a ticket to re-contest for his seat, which he eventually won.

On Sunday, during an engagement with his supporters in Gombe, Goje told them not to vote for those who denied him ticket ahead of the 2027 general elections.

He said those who are currently vying for the Akko and Yamaltu/Deba federal constituencies and the Gombe Central senatorial district are part of the people who conspired to rig him out of the primary election despite his long-standing contributions to the party.

the 2027 elections fast approaching and Governor Yahaya appointed to the Tinubu/Shettima 2027 Campaign Council as zonal coordinator for Stakeholders’ Mobilisation, he has a herculean task to galvanise support for the president, considering the feud between him and Senator Danjuma Goje.

Bauchi: Stakeholders run parallel campaign groups

Critical stakeholders of All Progressive Congress in Bauchi State are currently grappling with lack of a common front for the presidential campaign of President Ahmed Bola Tinubu in the state

The major challenge facing the APC is the deep division among its stalwarts following the party’s governorship primary that drew a battle line between the leader of the party, Minister of Health and Social Welfare Mohammed Ali Pate, the governorship candidate, Muhammad Abdullahi Abubakar on one side and the other aggrieved aspirants and their supporters on the other.

The national leadership of the party has appointed former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara, to head a reconciliation committee and charged with the responsibility of identifying grievances and reconcile members.

Investigations revealed that though prominent APC figures, especially those that sought the APC governorship ticket in Bauchi State, are showing commitment to the re-election of president Tinubu by donating vehicles, offices, billboards and posters across the state, they are doing it on individual basis, not under a united platform.

Findings indicate that the aggrieved stalwarts are funding the APC presidential campaign under different nomenclatures and political groups.

The only seamless presidential campaign mobilisations were carried out by National Assembly candidates of the APC led by the candidate for the Bauchi South senatorial district, Yakubu Abdullahi, who recently launched an electoral-unit-by-electoral-unit presidential campaign.

When the Presidential Campaign Council led by Yari visited Bauchi, it went to the residence of the late Sheikh Dahiru Usman Bauchi and subsequently held a meeting with some Ulamas. None of the prominent aggrieved APC figures attended the meeting, apart from the governorship candidate, M A Abubakar.

The development in Bauchi State has further widened the cracks within the party, particularly among critical stakeholders, threatening internal cohesion and eroding public confidence.

Nasarawa: Unresolved internal wrangling

Nasarawa State is controlled by the ruling APC under the leadership of Governor Abdullahi Sule, who is championing the cause of his party and the second term bid of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Governor Sule is not alone in the campaign for the president’s re-election in the state. His predecessor and political ally turned rival in the succession struggle, Senator Tanko Al-Makura, is also actively working for Tinubu’s second term.

Senator Al-Makura, who shares different interests with Governor Sule on who should emerge as the governorship candidate of the APC in 2027, is the North-Central coordinator of the Renewed Hope Agenda of President Tinubu.

On the other hand, the Secretary to the Government of Nasarawa State, Shuaibu Labaran Magaji, a lawyer, who is an appointee of Governor Sule, is the state coordinator of the same Renewed Hope Agenda.

While Al-Makura coordinates the programmes of the Renewed Hope Agenda across the six states of the North-Central zone, Magaji is in charge of the same activities at the state level, creating what observers see as parallel structures of the same campaign movement.

Recently, another support group for President Tinubu emerged in the state, known as Renewed Hope Project 2027, led by Dr Jibrin Eya as state coordinator, who pledged to entrench the structure in all the electoral wards and polling units across the state for effective mobilisation for Tinubu.

The emergence of multiple support groups and coordinators for the president within the same ruling party has raised concerns among party stakeholders about coordination and unity of purpose.

While this silent rivalry is ongoing within members of the president’s party, the opposition is also laying claim to Tinubu’s re-election project.

Also, the Wike faction of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the state is said to be working separately for the victory of President Tinubu in Nasarawa.

The PDP governorship candidate in the 2023 election, Emmanuel David Ombugadu, had briefly defected to the APC but later returned to the PDP. He cited his desire to support Tinubu’s second term bid as one of his reasons for joining the ruling party.

Despite his return to the PDP, Ombugadu has not jettisoned that position. He has re-emphasised his loyalty to the Wike faction and remains resolute to support Tinubu on the directive of the faction leaders, including the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike.

Similarly, loyalists of former Inspector-General of Police, Mohammed Abubakar Adamu, who defected from the APC to become the Social Democratic Party (SDP) governorship candidate in the state, are aligning themselves with the campaign for Tinubu.

His supporters said they shared different interests with APC supporters on other elective positions but their support and votes in the presidential election were for Tinubu. They openly campaign for the APC presidential candidate at many of their political gatherings.

Political analysts in Lafia said the scenario presented a complicated picture for the 2027 presidential election in Nasarawa.

With Governor Sule, Senator Al-Makura, Magaji and Eya leading different groups for Tinubu within the APC, while the Wike faction of the PDP and loyalists of the former IGP in the SDP also claim to work for the president from outside the party, the pro-Tinubu camp appears fragmented along governorship and other local political interests.

Benue: Lingering tiff between Alia, Akume

In Benue State, the political rivalry between Governor Hyacinth Alia and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), George Akume, may pose a challenge to the APC as it seeks to maximise President Bola Tinubu’s support in Benue State ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

Although both Alia and Akume publicly support President Tinubu’s re-election, their opposing interests in the state’s political contests have created a situation in which supporters of the two camps are increasingly divided.

The disagreement has largely centred on the control of the APC structure and the choice of candidates for elective positions.

Our correspondent reports that the rivalry became more pronounced during the party’s 2026 primaries, where several political figures associated with the Akume camp lost their tickets, while candidates identified with the governor’s camp emerged in a number of constituencies.

However, in a battle of supremacy, the win in Alia’s camp was upturned to favour the Akume’s camp after the APC apex body waded into the controversy.

The situation also produced parallel party structures long before the primaries and competing claims over APC nominations, with the two camps at different times issuing separate directives and backing different aspirants.

Beyond the APC, the political calculations have increasingly involved opposition figures and candidates.

Some politicians associated with either camp have been linked to political realignments outside the APC, raising questions about whether loyalty to individual leaders could, in some constituencies, compete with loyalty to the party and its presidential candidate.

That distinction could become significant in the presidential election considering a faction of the PDP in the state now pledging support for Tinubu’s reelection.

While Alia and Akume may remain committed to Tinubu, their supporters at the grassroots could prioritise local contests and candidates, particularly where their preferred aspirants are contesting against candidates backed by the rival camp.

The concern, however, might trickle to earlier warning that the Alia-Akume rivalry could affect Tinubu’s prospects in Benue if the APC failed to reconcile its factions.

More recently, factions of APC stakeholders in Benue publicly backed either both Alia and Tinubu or PDP’s candidate, Michael Aondoakaa, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) and Tinubu, with each warning party members against anti-party activities, suggesting that concerns about internal division remain alive with the party.

Undoubtedly, the ability of the APC to reconcile the two camps before the 2027 polls could consequently shape how effectively the party mobilises its structures and supporters for Tinubu across the state.

Zamfara: Three camps for Tinubu

At the centre of the political calculations in Zamfara are three influential camps associated with former Governor Abdul’aziz Yari, Minister of State for Defence, Bello Matawalle and Governor Dauda Lawal. Although the three politicians are now formally within the APC fold, differences over influence, party structures and political succession have continued to attract attention.

Yari’s appointment as the Director-General of the Tinubu/Shettima 2027 Presidential Campaign Council has further elevated his role in the national campaign structure. The former governor is expected to play a major role in mobilising support for the APC presidential ticket, including in the North-West.

Governor Lawal, who moved from the PDP to the APC in March, has publicly welcomed Yari’s appointment and described it as an important development for the party’s presidential campaign. He also congratulated former governors – Ahmed Sani Yarima, Mahmuda Aliyu Shinkafi and Matawalle on their respective roles in the campaign council.

Meanwhile, Matawalle publicly said after Lawal’s defection that he would support the governor’s second-term bid, and called on his supporters to cooperate with the administration. He also said the unity of former governors and the incumbent under the APC platform could help the party deliver a strong vote for Tinubu in 2027.

However, public statements of unity have not entirely removed questions about the relationship between the different political blocs.

Reports in April 2026 indicated disagreements within the Zamfara APC over control of party structures and political influence, with Matawalle complaining that arrangements involving Lawal and Yari had sidelined his camp.

Political analysts said the critical issue for the APC may therefore not be whether Yari, Matawalle and Lawal belong to the same party, but whether their separate political networks can be effectively coordinated during the presidential campaign.

The three camps have different political histories and constituencies. Yari retains a substantial political experience and a long-standing network in Zamfara, while Matawalle has his own structures developed during his tenure as governor and subsequent federal appointment. Lawal, as the incumbent governor, controls the machinery of the state government and has built his own political followership.

The challenge for the APC would be converting these separate networks into a coordinated electoral structure rather than allowing competition among them to affect grassroot mobilisation.

This is particularly relevant because Zamfara’s political landscape has previously demonstrated that strong personalities and competing political interests can significantly alter electoral calculations. In 2023, the then ruling APC lost the governorship to Lawal’s PDP despite the presence of several heavyweight APC politicians in the state.

For Tinubu’s campaign, the implication is that Zamfara’s political actors would need to establish an effective mechanism for coordinating grassroots mobilisation, campaign messaging, polling unit structures and the interests of the different blocs.

As the election approaches, the ability of Yari, Matawalle and Lawal to maintain a functional working relationship could become one of the factors observers will watch in assessing APC’s presidential campaign in Zamfara.

Ondo: Infighting among Tinubu’s supporters

Growing rivalry among key loyalists of President Bola Tinubu in Ondo State is emerging as a major challenge for the APC, with political stakeholders warning that unresolved divisions could undermine the party’s mobilisation efforts ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

The crisis, which intensified after the APC National Assembly primaries, has pitched supporters of Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa against those loyal to the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo following disputes over the emergence and subsequent replacement of some candidates. The disagreements were significant enough to force the party to establish a reconciliation committee headed by Biyi Poroye to restore unity.

A political analyst and legal practitioner, Alexander Ojo, said the infighting among Tinubu’s loyalists in the state had created disaffection within the APC despite public declarations of support for the president by the rival camps.

According to him, some party members became aggrieved after candidates who emerged from the primaries were later replaced by the party’s national leadership, leaving many supporters dissatisfied with the process.

“Although all of them claim they are working for Tinubu, there is serious disaffection in the party. Some supporters are threatening to work against the interests of candidates that emerged from the process,” Ojo said.

He noted that many of the APC’s National Assembly candidates emerged from the camp of the minister of interior, a development that allegedly widened the gap between the minister’s supporters and loyalists of the governor.

Ojo further argued that both camps appeared to be competing for political influence within the APC in Ondo State, making reconciliation more difficult as the party prepares for the 2027 elections.

The analyst warned that the crisis could affect Tinubu’s vote harvest in the state if aggrieved politicians and their supporters remained outside the party’s mainstream structure. According to him, some APC members who lost out in the primary process have already moved to other political parties, while others have aligned with emerging political coalitions.

“Those who left the APC still have loyal supporters. If they contest on other platforms, their followers may vote for the presidential candidates of those parties, and that could reduce the votes available to Tinubu,” he said.

The crisis has also spilled into the courts, with some aspirants challenging the replacement of their names after the primaries. The APC leadership has acknowledged that grievances arising from the primaries contributed to the current tensions and prompted the reconciliation drive.

Responding to concerns over the rift, a media aide to the Minister of Interior, Pelumi Jaiyeoba, described the situation as a healthy political competition rather than a full-blown crisis. He said Tunji-Ojo had continued to support President Tinubu and the APC through various mobilisation efforts and support groups across the state.

Jaiyeoba maintained that the disagreements could be resolved if both sides embraced dialogue, adding that tensions increased after many aspirants believed to be loyal to the minister secured APC tickets during the primaries.

On his part, the Senior Special Assistant to Governor Aiyedatiwa on Public Engagement, Steve Otaloro, said the existence of different tendencies within a political party was not unusual, particularly before major elections. He insisted that the governor remained committed to reconciliation, inclusiveness and party unity, stressing that there is only one APC in Ondo State.

Niger: Past disagreements still haunt party

The recent political tension among some of the key political stakeholders of the APC in Niger State has become a source of worry for critical stakeholders in the state.

An observer who referred to Governor Umaru Mohammed Bago, Senator Mohammed Sani Musa, popularly known as 313, former Governor Abubakar Sani Bello and Minister of Information and National Orientation Mohammed Idris, as influential figures within the APC’s political structure in the state, said past frictions, if not completely extinguished, would undermine APC’s chances.

He said their political relationships had never moved smoothly since 2023, suggesting that such infighting would have implications beyond their individual ambitions.

Some analysts have described the perceived differences between Governor Bago, Senator 313 and former Governor Abubakar Sani Bello as part of a wider struggle over political influence and control of the party structure in Niger State.

The disagreements had raised concerns about the APC’s ability to maintain a united front ahead of 2027 though some moves had been made to reconcile them.

In January 2026, Bago hosted Abubakar Sani Bello and Mohammed Idris at the Government House in Minna, with the meeting presented as an effort to strengthen solidarity among the party’s leading figures.

The reconciliation message became even more explicit in July 2026 when Minister Mohammed Idris addressed Niger APC stakeholders and called for unity, mutual respect and the setting aside of differences.

These developments suggest that the party leadership is aware of the potential consequences of internal disagreements and attempting to prevent them from developing into a more permanent factional crisis ahead of the general elections.

Despite such reconciliatory moves, observers still doubt if the reported reconciliation would translate into a genuine political cooperation at the grassroots.

An insider in the APC in the state told Weekend Trust that ”Presidential elections are not fought only through national structures; they depend heavily on local mobilisation, party organisation, influential politicians and the ability to coordinate supporters across senatorial districts, local governments and wards.” (Weekend Trust)

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