Former Minister of Youth and Sport, who is one of the stalwarts of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Barrister Solomon Dalung speaks with the North Central Bureau Chief, ISAAC SHOBAYO, on the prevailing political situations in the country, especially on the protest of the ADC against the decision of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on the leadership of the party, the assessment of the APC-led administration, and the current travail of the former Governor of Kaduna State, Mallam Nasir El-Rufai, among other issues. Excerpt:

This week, opposition leaders protested the decisions by the Independent National Electoral Commission that they claimed undermine democracy and the party’s internal leadership. What is your take on that?

Well, the opposition leaders protested against the impunity and injustice of INEC. They did not protest against INEC as an institution but against the conduct of its leadership, behaving outside the scope of the rule of law. They needed to call them to order so that they did not derail this transition and our democracy.

So my reaction is that the opposition leaders had given this Tinubu government too much room to misbehave. If they had been administering this kind of response since May 29, we would not be here.

But you recently accused the INEC chairman of using his public influence in support of the ruling party. Can you clarify what you meant?

I have never accused him of using his office to support any political party. I only said that the INEC chairman has behaved unlike a professor of law. He cannot constitute himself as a court to interpret the judgment of the Court of Appeal. That would mean INEC is now acting as an appellate court over the Court of Appeal. If he were in doubt as to the language and spirit of the judgment, the proper thing would have been to approach the court for interpretation, not to sit in the confines of his office, over tea and coffee, and announce that he would delist the names of ADC leaders from the portal, refuse to recognize David Mark’s group, and disregard a faction.

The implication of that statement is that the Court of Appeal directed him to create anarchy in the ADC. But could that have been the intention of the court? Certainly not. The honorable justices are men of law. They simply asked him to maintain the status quo before the case began. And what was that status quo? On May 29, 2025, David was confirmed by the National Executive Committee of ADC in accordance with their constitution. That is the status quo ante bellum that Professor Amupitan ought to have obeyed.

So do you expect us to obey someone who is disobeying a court order? We cannot do that. As a professor once argued, it is illegal to be law-abiding in an unlawful society. The professor has disobeyed a court order, and you want us to help him promote that disobedience? Certainly not. That is why we are staying the course. Our congresses are going on as scheduled, and we will continue our activities because the Electoral Act prohibits any court from granting an injunction that interferes in the internal affairs of a party. This is a legal matter.

I think ADC is very healthy. And let me tell you—we should actually thank Professor Amupitan. I am in the office right now, and if the chairman were to come in, I would advise that a special delegation be sent to thank him for what he did. Because if he had not done that, we would not have had 40,000 people join the party on April 1st. If he had not done that, prominent politicians in the North, from Zamfara to Kano and beyond, would not be resigning and joining ADC. This is a direct result of the impunity and recklessness we are seeing. So, we need to thank him.

Your party, ADC, claims to represent an alternative to the current administration and is poised to win power in 2027. But many of you switched from APC to ADC. What’s the true difference?

The difference is simple: if nothing was wrong with APC, we would not have left. APC has drifted away from the fundamental principles on which it was founded, that is justice for all. Now, that has been replaced with injustice for all, and that is why we left. Secondly, a man is not truly a man if he cannot evaluate his role in history and decide whether he acted rightly or wrongly—and then make amends. What I respect about the leaders in ADC is that they have recognized that they did not meet the expectations of Nigerians, and they are willing to make amends. As the Bible says, a righteous man falls seven times and rises seven times. Politicians in APC have fallen seven times and have not risen once. Those in ADC have fallen seven times and risen seven times. That is the difference.

Some of you served in the previous administration under the late President Mohammadu Buhari, and now you are in ADC alongside others from different parties. What is the difference between that administration and the current one?

The difference is clear. The administration of President Muhammadu Buhari was able to execute major infrastructure projects—like the road from Abuja to Makurdi, the Second Niger Bridge, and significant railway development. That is difference number one. Difference number two: Buhari’s government left behind a manageable debt profile. This Tinubu government, in just two and a half years, has borrowed more than Nigeria accumulated since 1960. That is a significant difference.

Difference number three: Buhari did not muzzle the opposition. The opposition was very free. Political parties operated freely. Under this current regime, however, bandits are allegedly sponsored to attack political parties and take over. Surrogates are appointed, transport is arranged for them, and security is provided to enable them to operate.

This never happened under President Muhammadu Buhari. Governors were free to contest elections under their parties.

Under President Buhari, procurement processes were followed. Budgets were presented to the National Assembly, and procurement was handled by the appropriate departments. So, the differences between the Daura-born general—may his soul rest in peace—and the “Emilokan” chief priest are very, very clear.

Interesting. You once condemned the previous administration for ineptitude. But today you are praising the same administration you once described ineffective. What has changed?

Now, you asked me to compare—and as a student of philosophy, comparison means identifying the distinctive qualities between two subjects, which I have done. This does not change my judgment about President Muhammadu Buhari. Even when he was alive, I told him we failed Nigerians because we campaigned on a four-point agenda, and none of those points were fully achieved.

So I have not changed my position. Buhari failed to meet the expectations of Nigerians. But when you ask for a comparison, I must point out the differences.

Sir, about a week ago, you described Malam El-Rufai’s decision to surrender as his greatest mistake. In practical terms, what should he have done?

He should have remained where he was and let them go and capture him if they could. There was no reason for him to return voluntarily. As a revolutionary politician, you do not surrender. You must be captured. When you are captured, you are respected. But if you surrender, it is assumed that you have lost the capacity for resistance and defiance. Then they will humiliate you. Look at what is happening now—they are moving him from magistrate court to Sharia court to customary court to vigilante court, even to what looks like bandit courts—just to obtain detention orders. They could not have done this if they had struggled to capture him. They would have been afraid of the consequences. But because he surrendered, they assume he has lost his strength and connection. Revolutionaries do not surrender. You only get captured. That was his greatest mistake. Now you can see—they have arrested him and are shopping for charges. This is the first time in legal history that someone is arrested before authorities even look for charges.

They went to his house and seized items like an old Nokia phone and are now claiming these are “phone-tapping devices.” When I heard that, I said, If I were near Nigeria’s border, I might consider changing my citizenship. With the kind of thinking we see in our institutions, it is embarrassing. These are the people running anti-graft agencies.

But wherever he is, he is in high spirits and remains defiant. He will not give up, but he should not have surrendered.

Your party, ADC, is currently facing internal issues, especially around leadership, while also positioning itself against the sitting government. How do you reconcile that?

Well, the media can sometimes create narratives. What is described as a “crisis” in ADC is largely exaggerated. I am speaking to you from the national headquarters of ADC. Activities are going on steadily. Congresses are ongoing at ward, local government, and unit levels.

So when people talk about crisis, it reminds me of Jos. I live in Jos, and people call me from abroad saying, “Be careful, they will kill you.” Meanwhile, Jos is peaceful. The perception is different from reality. That is the same with ADC.

We don’t have a crisis. We only have someone who has gone to court claiming leadership. If the court rules in his favor, we will appeal. If we lose, we will appeal again. If it reaches the Supreme Court and we still lose, then we will comply. But for now, there is nothing anyone can do. Even if INEC deletes names from its portal, ADC will continue to exist. We will remain a political force in Nigeria. And politically, we will challenge Tinubu. We will remove him from office and ensure a proper transition back to leadership that serves the people.

Finally, what is the state of your party in Plateau State, given reports of multiple chairmen?

If someone is moving around with heavy security—security that should be tackling banditry in places like Zamfara—would it surprise you that similar confusion is being replicated elsewhere? What is happening nationally is also playing out in Jos. The difference is that we have refused to legitimize it. Anyone can claim to be chairman. So we are not giving attention to distractions. The party structure remains intact. (Saturday Tribune)

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