By ZAGAZOLA MAKAMA

Pascal Tigri, the lieutenant-colonel at the center of the recent foiled coup in Benin, has reportedly been located in a ministerial residence in Niamey, Niger, in close proximity to the presidential palace and the Directorate-General of Documentation and External Security (DGDSE), multiple regional sources have confirmed.

Tigri is believed to have been in the villa since December 12, following a carefully orchestrated escape route that spanned several West African capitals.

Sources indicate that after the failed coup attempt in Cotonou on December 7, Tigri fled to Lomé, Togo, before boarding a private Beechcraft 100 D aircraft to Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, on December 12. The aircraft, operated by Liza Transport International (LTI) Aviation, a subsidiary of the Burkinabè company Ebomaf owned by businessman Mahamadou Boukoungou, subsequently transferred Tigri to Niamey the same evening.

Regional intelligence suggests that Ouagadougou may have functioned as a “command and control hub” for the attempted coup, in alleged coordination with elements in Niger. Investigators in Benin have also raised concerns about the movements of other mutinous soldiers who reportedly fled Lomé on December 16 aboard the same LTI aircraft.

According to sources, the flight transponder was deactivated while crossing Bénin airspace, and verification with the National Civil Aviation Agency indicated the flight may have been cleared with a falsified authorization. These developments have intensified suspicion of external interference and potential complicity by regional actors.

Tensions between Bénin and Niger have escalated in recent weeks. President Abdourahamane Tiani of Niger has previously accused Bénin of harbouring groups engaged in terrorism, allegedly with external support. The failed coup, alongside unusual troop movements observed near the Bénin-Niger border on December 6, has further strained relations.

Notably, intelligence indicates that two units of the Nigerien Armed Forces were deployed to Gaya, Niger, two days before the coup, under orders from the Chief of Army Staff, General Mamane Sani Kiao. The units, dispatched from Maradi, were positioned near the Niger-Benin border, prompting questions about their intended mission, whether to escort sensitive convoys or monitor the activities of Tigri and his collaborators. After the coup’s failure, the Nigerien troops withdrew.

Sources close to the investigation reveal a pattern of discreet meetings, financial support, and communications linking Tigri and his affiliates with Nigerien intermediaries believed to be aligned with Nigerien authorities loyal to the transition government of General Abdourahamane Tiani. These contacts reportedly extended to operational planning and intelligence sharing, further complicating the regional security environment.

The presence of Tigri in Niamey, reportedly in a villa housing senior government officials including the Prime Minister and foreign advisors, mirrors the high-risk nature of his concealment. Reports indicate that Bala Arabé, head of Niger’s DGDSE, recently moved into a nearby city villa, further reinforcing suspicions of possible protection or surveillance by state actors.

In Bénin, authorities continue to pursue multiple leads, including tracing financial flows, and other classified intelligence. Video messages circulated by activist Kemi Seba in the immediate aftermath of the attempted coup suggest that some actors were forewarned, leading to an international warrant for Tigri and other suspected collaborators.

Nigeria, through intelligence sharing and diplomatic engagement, has played a stabilising role, working closely with Bénin authorities to monitor the crisis and prevent escalation. The swift and strategic deployment of Air and ground troops along the border played a pivotal role in limiting the potential fallout of the coup. Again, the deployment and surveillance along Gaya further prevented an escalation into a broader regional crisis. Nigeria’s proactive involvement exemplifies its commitment to safeguarding democratic governance and regional stability in West Africa.

The episode has drawn attention to vulnerabilities in border security, aviation oversight, and intelligence coordination in the sub-region. The intricate escape route, alleged cross-border support networks, and the covert operations surrounding Tigri signals the continuing challenges in preventing the spread of political instability as well as insecurity.

The presence of Tigri in Niamey, coupled with previous intelligence intercepts, continues to fuel speculation regarding Niger’s role, direct or indirect. The incident also exposed vulnerabilities in private aviation oversight and cross-border security, which called for the need for tighter controls to prevent the movement of rogue actors.

Meanwhile, sources confirmed that Bénin continues to pursue investigations into the escape of Tigri and other mutineers, with international warrants reportedly issued against key figures implicated in the attempted coup. For now, Tigri’s presence in Niamey continues to be a focal point of diplomatic and intelligence scrutiny in West Africa.

Nigerien authorities have not issued official statements regarding the presence of Tigri on their territory. (Zagazola)

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